Sanders Presents a Unique Opportunity for Democratic Voters
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Editorial Board
When the Democratic primary began, the result seemed like a foregone
conclusion. Hillary Clinton had every advantage a candidate could hope
for, including the absence of a single opponent who we could even
contemplate giving her a competitive race. In a year of grand political
surprises, none have been bigger than Senator Bernie Sanders’ historic
run toward the Democratic nomination. We find him to be the clear choice
for our Democratic endorsement.
Sanders has clearly benefited from
a nationwide frustration among voters toward institutional politics on
both sides of the aisle. That being said, his ascent has been no fluke.
He has skillfully communicated a message that seemed like it would be
far too easy for opponents to obfuscate and attack. He has done this by
speaking plainly, which is rare among politicians, and in simple terms,
which seems particularly rare among Democrats.
People understand
his assessment of the challenges we face as a country, as well as his
ideas as for how to solve them. That is a surprisingly rare dynamic
among politicians at this level. Those skills partly explain his
success, while suggesting strong potential in a general election. The
question of whether he could actually be elected, seems to be answered each time
he gives a speech.
Who would have guessed that a 74 year-old
Independent who has described himself as a Democratic Socialist could
have rallied the long-dormant grassroots of the Democratic Party,
brought legions of disenfranchised voters into the process, and rode a
wave of unprecedented populist enthusiasm into a neck and neck battle
with the most powerful political dynasty in the party’s history? Senator Sanders has done just that, an accomplishment that merits a very close look as to why.
Without
resorting to vitriolic attacks or playing to fear, Sanders has tapped
into a simmering populist vein and put clear words to many of the
anxieties that vex our electorate. He has coherently articulated the
flaws in a "rigged economy" that has benefited the very few at the
expense of the many.
While some of his doubters get caught up on
the "socialist" word, it is worth noting that Sanders has spoken very
little of handouts or even safety nets. Rather, he has focused on
increasing opportunity and societal equity for the growing ranks of our
nation’s working poor, many of whom have been left behind by a
globalized economy that has been promoted by the Democratic
establishment for decades. While other candidates are offering rhetoric
to the masses, he’s offering easy-to-understand ideas they can relate
to, and it’s working.
It is true that he will face an uphill
battle in passing many of his initiatives if elected President, but that
is no justification to dismiss a persuasive leader, especially as our
nation comes face to face with so many historic challenges. More
importantly, Sanders’ impressive record of working with all parties and
factions to quietly and pragmatically accomplish much through an endless
number of small measures (mostly as minor amendments to large pieces of
legislation) demonstrates a degree of patience and open-mindedness that
has for far too long been in short supply in Washington.
We do not dispute that former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has the intellect, experience and policy knowledge to serve as a
highly-competent President of the United States. However, we find the
immense flexibility of her positions, the swings of which always seem to
blow in the direction of the prevailing political winds, to suggest a
troubling lack of authenticity.
From the Trans Pacific Partnership to the Keystone XL oil pipeline, Clinton routinely changed her positions without effectively articulating a viable explanation as to why,
leaving us to believe that she is simply playing to the crowd in the way
that she feels will best suit her personal ambitions.
In 2008,
Clinton positioned herself as a hawkish moderate, boasting of her days
as a "Goldwater Girl," claiming she’d campaigned for the Republican
presidential nominee as he took on Lyndon Baines Johnson. Today, faced
with an unexpected challenge from Sanders and the left wing of her
party, Clinton is again verbally reinventing herself, this time as a
"progressive who knows how to get things done," as though the only
difference between her and Sanders is one of pragmatism.
This
refusal to acknowledge herself as a consistent moderate–something we
easily envision her pivoting back to in a general election if
nominated–lends to the perception of being disingenuous that has
continuously given her problems with many Democrats and has at least
helped pave the way for Sanders’ rise.
Like many voters, we also
remain troubled by Clinton’s close ties to Wall Street and are further
concerned by her endless spin on her relationship with the financial
sector, which has been far and away her largest political benefactor. Clinton says that despite regularly taking hundreds of thousands of
dollars for speeches from some of Wall Street’s biggest players, she
"gave them an earful“ when she took the stage. When asked during
Thursday’s debate whether she would release the transcripts to prove it,
Clinton, who had already been ducking public requests for the
transcripts, was noticeably taken aback and said only that she would
"look into it.“
Facing an opponent who has gained support
through his promises to break up the banks deemed "too big to fail," Clinton also crafted a narrative over the past week that Wall Street is
no longer happy with her because they are aware that she is ready to
"take them on“ if elected President. She claimed they had not only
stopped supporting her but that financial interests were uniting to take
her down. Again, the facts do not bear this out as the Wall Street
money continues to flow in,
and it is now Clinton who has been discovered postponing
banker-sponsored fundraising events, for what we can only imagine
amounts to more spin-control.
Meanwhile, Sanders' refusal to take any contributions from Super PACs–along with him benefiting from less than $32,000 so far in outside money raised by groups supporting him (a stark contrast to Clinton's $48 million in outside support)–is a refreshing change for a presidential
candidate.
More importantly, we find that Democrats are presented with a unique opportunity this year: nominating someone with a real chance to take our country's highest office who has not only run an
honest, grassroots-fueled campaign free of personal attacks, but is also
so far removed from the ties of America's most powerful special
interests.
Sanders has indeed disproved the long-held notion that a
Presidential candidate simply could not succeed without hundreds of
millions of dollars in special interest support. More than 30 million
Americans have contributed an average of $27 to his campaign. We believe
that speaks volumes about his ability to inspire the masses and be a
strong, persuasive leader.
Should Sanders continue to run a
strong campaign through the primary, and should he win the nomination,
we would expect to see more contributions from unions flow into his
campaign. While not perfect, unions hold nowhere close to the power they
once did in the U.S., and while we might expect the Senator to favor
unions in many policy decisions–as one perhaps still ought to expect of a
Democratic president–we do not see unions having an iron grip on his
decision-making in matters related to their interests, as corporate
America now has the pleasure of holding over so many political offices.
Our
decision must also consider the email scandal and the continuing FBI
investigation as to whether Clinton broke the law in her handling
of classified information while Secretary of State.
Here again, Clinton
has changed her position on what she did and didn’t do, while stubbornly maintaining that she
has done nothing illegal and that the matter will be a non-issue into
perpetuity. As the facts stand today,
Clinton had classified communications on her personal computer, and the
evidence was uncovered from her computer after someone intentionally
tried to erase the data. Here again, we simply find it very difficult to
trust Secretary Clinton, and that is the overriding reason that we cannot
endorse her for the Democratic nomination.
On the other hand,
when discussing Senator Sanders, regardless of your take on his policy
ideas or political ideology, it is difficult to describe him without
speaking to his authenticity as a public servant over his 33 years as a
mayor, a Congressman and a United States Senator. There is no doubt in
our minds whatsoever that as President of the United States, Sanders
would espouse the same values, character and integrity that have defined
his career as a public servant.
While we applaud Senator Sanders
for creating meaningful dialogue on important challenges facing this
country–climate change, the skyrocketing cost of higher education,
entrenched poverty among the growing ranks of working poor, criminal
justice reform and the like–we find his inability to articulate concrete
foreign policy specifics to be, by far, his greatest weakness.
Here is
an area where Secretary Clinton, without question, has more experience, as
well as a broader knowledge base. However, we also agree with Senator
Sanders that judgment is a paramount matter of concern in this area and
that on the vote for the "fundamental foreign policy issue of our
time–the Iraq War," he was on the right side, while his opponent was
not.
Here again, Secretary Clinton loses points with us by blaming her
vote on the information given to her and other members of Congress
(including then Rep. Sanders) by the Bush Administration. However, there
was a very loud contingent of dissenting views calling into question
the so-called intelligence used to invade that country among
progressives in her party, bureaucrats, defense experts, intelligence
analysts and independent media outlets that echoed their strong case for
why the intelligence was not only inaccurate but at times, downright laughable.
We
do not doubt that then Senator Clinton heard these calls, nor do we doubt
that she was intelligent enough to parse the data. We do, however, doubt
that she cast her vote on the validity of the intelligence and the
moral case for an invasion, rather than the political calculus of voting
against the war in a post-9/11 political environment, and what that
could mean for both her Senate career and the future presidential
ambitions of a female candidate who would almost certainly face the
question of whether she was tough enough to be commander in chief. Here again, we see a defining difference between the characters of the two candidates.
Senator
Bernie Sanders’ demonstration of judgment when it comes to foreign
policy is admirable, but does not cancel out his inexperience. For this
reason, it will be paramount that he surrounds himself with a competent
team that can compliment his intelligence and judgment with sound guidance on matters of foreign policy and defense.
We trust
him to do so, and, more importantly, we trust him to make foreign policy
decisions guided by the best interests of our nation and its citizens,
not the influence of the military industrial complex and its many war
hawk surrogates in Washington. We see no such remedy for the litany of
concerns that present themselves when considering Hillary Clinton’s
candidacy. We endorse Senator Bernie Sanders as the Democratic candidate
for President of the United States.
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